CARI-PGG’s predominant deployment of IEDs make them an apt network to study as their tactical and strategic patterns fall well outside of those seen in other insurrectionary networks. In short, these networks’ goals are often to kill and maim individuals associated with targeted institutions, while typical insurrectionary attack aims to destroy symbolic property while avoiding individual targeting of persons for injury and death.

— Michael Loadenthal


Source: Wikipedia

Dates of operation September 8, 2009–2014
Country Mexico
Ideology Insurrectionary anarchism,Individualist anarchism,Illegalism,Anti-capitalism,Anti-catholicism,Anarcho-communism,Anti-imperialism,Magonism
Political position Far-left
Status Defunct
Part of Informal Anarchist Federation
Allies CI-MSA, ITS
Opponents Government of Mexico

The Práxedis G. Guerrero Autonomous Cells of Immediate Revolution (Spanish: ''Células Autónomas de Revolución Inmediata Práxedis G. Guerrero'', CARI-PGG/FAI) was an urban guerrilla group that centered its attacks in the metropolitan area of the Valley of Mexico, extending some attacks to neighboring states. This group, along with a dozen other cells, came to be considered a serious threat to the stability of the Mexican capital according to publications made by CISEN. [1][2]


The group was named in honor of Práxedis G. Guerrero, the philosopher, poet, editor, journalist and fighter opposed to the Porfiriato, linked to the Flores Magón Brothers and killed during one of the first armed actions of the Mexican Revolution.[3] The European police became more interested in the fight against anarchism (which they equated with terrorism) than against drug trafficking. This was demonstrated by a report on "terrorist tendencies in the EU" explaining the alarm of Europol. According to a report from the National Center for Planning, Analysis and Information to Combat Crime (CENAPI), groups of this ideology emerged from a network of anarchists with a presence in Chile, Spain, France and Italy, and were being investigated by Europol. According to the report, these groups were motivated mainly by the defense of animals and against nanotechnology. However, in the last years of the group, its tactics evolved, having as references the terrorists Mauricio Morales and Theodore Kaczynski.[4] The group was coordinated with groups such as the Individualists Tending to the Wild, the Animal Liberation Front, the Earth Liberation Front, the Mariano Sánchez Añon Insurrectional Cell, and the Brigades of Revolutionary Action for Propaganda of the Deed and the Simon Radowsky Armed Action, with which they organized sabotage and coordinated attacks around the country, especially in the State of Mexico and Mexico City.[5][6][7]

First Attacks

The group's first attack was on September 8, 2009: it claimed responsibility for a homemade explosive in a Bancomer branch in the mayor of Tlalpan, in Mexico City,[8][9][10] reporting another explosion on September 10 at an automotive agency belonging to Renault, these attacks being in response to spending on the remodeling of the North Prison and the repression exercised by the government against insurgent cells.[11][12] The detainees were arrested the following year after a failed attack in which a militant was injured.[13]

On May 3, the group carried out an attack with explosives on a Santander branch in the Narvarte neighborhood of Mexico City, in retaliation for the murder of two indigenous activists in the state of Oaxaca, in addition to claiming a fire against two trucks belonging to the Atayde Hermanos circus.[14][15][16] On October 5, 2010, they claimed responsibility for the burning of two patrols in the municipality of Chicoloapan de Juárez, without the authorities commenting on this incident. The group carried out several similar attacks in the State of Mexico.[17][18]


On May 24, 2011, the group claimed responsibility for an explosive attack against a Starbucks coffee shop in Paseo de la Reforma, and the following day, claimed responsibility for the attack with homemade explosives that occurred early Monday at the Santander bank branch in Benito Juárez and another in Iztacalco.[19][20][21][22] Months later, on September 23 a branch of the Federal Electricity Commission was attacked with explosives that damaged the facade and the lobby of the building. The group claimed responsibility for the attack, exclaiming that "The use of electricity, in addition to constituting one of the main threats to the planet, is a key source of manipulation and social control."[23][24] In subsequent months, arson or explosive attacks were claimed, but not reported by the press or authorities.[25]

On October 3, they claimed responsibility for two coordinated explosions, an explosion in the Santander bank located in the Toriello Guerra neighborhood of Mexico City,[26][27] and an explosive device in the home of the PRI politician Manuel Cañedo in Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl.[28][29]

On November 24, 2011, a package bomb was sent to the Attorney General's Office, specifically the package was addressed to the attorney general Miguel Mancera, but it was sent by mistake to the head of the Attorney General's Office Marisela Morales, the package was intercepted and destroyed by the authorities of Mexico City. The attempted attack was claimed by the Sole-Baleno insurrectionary nucleus belonging to the CARI-PGG. In the same year, the Chilean ambassador to Mexico, Germán Guerrero Pavez, on behalf of a similar anarchist group.[30][31][32] Days later, the Célula Anarquista Revolucionaria – Gabriella Segata Antolini, member of CARI-PGG, claimed to have sent an explosive package addressed to Archbishop Norberto Rivera Carrera, which did not detonate and was deactivated by the authorities.[33][34][35][36] On December 12, 2011, the group claimed responsibility for the explosion at the doors of the Italian Institute of Culture in Coyoacán, which left the door and glass damaged.[37][38][39][40]

On March 1, 2012, the group claimed responsibility for sending a package bomb to the Greek embassy in Mexico. On September 22, 2012, the SSPDF Task Force located two small gas tanks tied to the entrance of a bank in Mexico City. No injured or detained persons were reported.[41][42] In July 2016 the group released a statement confirming the dissolution of the group and giving a "review" on the actions of the group and others.[43]

See also

The Politics of Attack

Source: The Politics of Attack

The Mexican networks

Beginning around 2010, a sudden surge of insurrectionary-styled, clandestine guerrilla networks emerged in Mexico and launched a series of attacks on the state and capital. While a complete chronology and historical accounting of this movement is beyond the scope of this book, a brief review is warranted. Within Mexico, attacks have been claimed under a variety of the commonly occurring monikers including CCF, ELF, FAI, and so on. To trace a single example of internationalizing monikers, we turn towards the emergence of a Mexican tendency linking CCF and the FAI. According to an inter-movement, self-narrative account authored by the “Mexican Fire Cells Conspiracy/Informal Anarchist Federation” ([2011]), “[On] September 15 [2011] The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF) faction of the Mexican Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI-M) is formed by affinity groups and likeminded people in several Mexican states.” The following day (16 September 2011), the CCF/FAI-M “carries out three simultaneous arsons … Liberatory fire destroys merchandise, as flames consume Textiles Suburbia, CV Directo, and TF Victor” (Mexican Fire Cells Conspiracy/FAI [2011]). From there the network engaged in frequent arson attacks and, in less than two months, set fire to sites including a warehouse, an airport staff training school, two Walmarts, a shopping mall, a lumber warehouse, and at least four other businesses. From the CCF’s Greek roots and those of the FAI found in Italy, it is notable that such a formation occurred so far away, and in such a culturally different venue as Mexico. The development of this new network is reflective of national tendencies, wherein Mexico becomes a site for a renewal of militant actions and the fostering of newly lethal tendencies.

Beyond the rapid expansion of CCF/FAI-M, Mexico also saw the development of nationally-restricted networks, two of which will be examined below. This is not to discount the actions of a variety of other clandestine attackers, but rather to discuss in greater detail two such networks that display interesting rhetoric, strategies, and methods. The following accounting of history will focus on two district networks, that of the Práxedis G. Guerrero[8] Autonomous Cells for Immediate Revolution (CARI-PGG), and Individualists Tending Towards the Wild (ITS). While, ideologically, the former mirrors the more traditional approach of Western European anarchoguerrillas such as CCF and FAI, the ITS network resembles a newly emergent praxis borrowing from anarchism’s primitivist and anti-technology tendencies, exacted through an atypically-violent pattern of attack. ITS and CARI-PGG’s predominant deployment of IEDs make them an apt network to study as their tactical and strategic patterns fall well outside of those seen in other insurrectionary networks. In short, these networks’ goals are often to kill and maim individuals associated with targeted institutions, while typical insurrectionary attack aims to destroy symbolic property while avoiding individual targeting of persons for injury and death.

Práxedis G. Guerrero Autonomous Cells for Immediate Revolution

While possibly being one of the shorter lived insurrectionary moniker associations, CARI-PGG emerged in late 2010 and would carry out attacks for only three years. In the early months of 2010, a series of communiqués were circulated on the traditional, English-language network hubs claiming responsibility for the machine gunning of police vehicles, the erection of flaming street barricades, Molotov cocktails thrown at banks, and the bombing of a McDonalds. By October 2010, the first stable, repeated moniker appears – CARI-PGG – though the group reports it was active for years prior. According to CARI-PGG ([2013]):

CARI-PGG are coordinated cells who began acting in 2008 without transmitting any claim of responsibility for our actions, and it wasn’t until 2009 that a claim appeared for an action against a Renault auto company … We do not have vanguardist ideas, nor much less militarist ones, we are groups of anarchist action and we base ourselves on informality; we have often questioned ourselves on the use of signatures, but we reached the conclusion that they are only necessary as part of a strategy and nothing more. We do not pretend to bring anybody to insurrection – insurrections are spontaneous and collective, we take up the conflict in the first person.

CARI-PGG are quick to state their willingness and desire to carry out lethal violence, not simply the destruction of property or the intimidation of individuals. The network makes this aim quite clear, writing:

The Sole-Baleno insurgent cell of the CARI-PGG declare that … a package bomb was mailed addressed to the general offices of the PGR [Federal Attorney General], to be explicit the package was addressed to the attorney general Miguel Mancera. Although our objective was to wound the heads or apparent heads of the police system, being that the package apparently “originated” from the general offices of Telmex, specifically from the person in Telmex responsible for the Secure City project … the package would have been returned to him if it did not reach its destination. The package bomb was composed of a galvanized metal pipe, dynamite, a 2.5 volt source, matches, cable, a 9 volt battery, and shrapnel. (CARI-PGG, FAI [2011])

Here one can observe the network’s lethal aims, to “wound” either an individual associated with the PGR or another associated with Telmex.

CARI-PGG follows the generalized insurrectionary rejection of systems of control and governance targeting “the police as an institution, their computers, their surveillance systems, their patrols, their criminologists, their experts” who work for “the interests of those who have power, for the protection of the ‘social order’” (CARI-PGG, FAI [2011]). Furthermore, CARI-PGG has at times claimed attacks as part of the FAI (e.g. CARI-PGG, FAI [2011]; CARI-PGG, Gabriella Segata Antolini cell, and FAI/IRF [2011]) and in discussing the shooting of an Italian nuclear executive they write, “we are totally in accordance with the action of the Olga Cell of the FAI in having shot in the legs that bastard of nuclear energy in Italy” (CARIPGG, Cell of revolutionary action for the destruction of the State [2012]). Similar to other networks, CARI-PGG regularly expresses solidarity with CCF and prominent political prisoners involved in the insurrectionary model of attack. The network’s targeting selection is not surprising and includes IEDs targeting police vehicles, banks, Starbucks, the homes of politicians’ and prison directors, the Chilean and Italian embassies, the Mexican ambassador to Greece, the Attorney General, the Federal Electricity Commission, the Mexican head of Monsanto, and the Mexican Archbishop. Between January 2010 and December 2013, the moniker was used to claim responsibility for 22 bombings (IEDs and mail bombs) and two arsons (Loadenthal [2015], 468–470). Despite their ferocity in their initial strikes, CARI-PGG appears to have disbanded, exemplifying the insurrectionary logic of temporary affiliation. Interestingly, the network embodied a unique relationship with the wider anarchist milieu and, unlike the network discussed below, CARI-PGG did not disparage the non-guerrilla components of the wider insurrectionary milieu (Llud [2015], 10).

A few of the communiques

Nov 25, 2011 - The Sole-Baleno Insurgent Cell of the CARI-PGG Claims the Package Bomb sent to the Attorney General.

Translated by War on Society. Culmine (republished by War On Society).

The Sole-Baleno insurgent cell of the CARI-PGG declare that in the weeks of November 1 to 15 of 2011 a package bomb was mailed addressed to the general offices of the PGR [Federal Attorney General], to be explicit the package was addressed to the attorney general Miguel Mancera. Although our objective was to wound the heads or apparent heads of the police system, being that the package apparently “originated” from the general offices of Telmex, specifically from the person in Telmex responsible for the Secure City project — the assistant director of Social Communication “Concepción Rivera Romero,” the package would have been returned to him if it did not reach its destination. The package bomb was composed of a galvanized metal pipe, dynamite, a 2.5 volt source, matches, cable, a 9 volt battery, and shrapnel.

The super cop Marcelo Ebrad, who is obsessed with control and order, in complicity with the Telmex corporation, is creating and putting into practice a strategy of social control based on fear and the individual’s control of him or herself, the citizen as his or her own police officer and as his or her neighbor’s police officer, a police role that the citizenry accept without opposition, sometimes out of fear and others for the pleasure of serving the system, the nation in some way. We see that for this control to function it is necessary to employ the most advanced technology, which is in reality the high point not only for social control, but also for the total control of nature, for total and absolute control of the thinking and responsible individual who is able to manage their own life. Therefore it is necessary to attack the technological apparatus, although the struggle, our struggle, is focused on attacking the system of domination in its totality.

On the other hand, the police as an institution, their computers, their surveillance systems, their patrols, their criminologists, their experts and their gendarmes, are also destined for complete control, for the protection of the interests of those who have power, for the protection of the “social order” so loved by the social democrats.

The new democratic police are 100% aware of their situation and the work that they do as protectors of capital, of the social peace, of the citizenry and of the techno-system, therefore attacks against these enemies of freedom are without distinction fully justified, objectively directed, since a Federal officer who rapes and murders does not have or represent greater fault than a State or Municipal police officer, who for the same reasons or different motives also forms part of the control and order, and is thus disposed to kill, in part due to his own frustrations, although we must affirm that it is necessary above all to strike at the head of the police apparatus. The ways are diverse, from package bombs to direct executions, but always marking our line and principles, since we do not seek to discharge emotional violence but rather to utilize the offensive self-defense in the form of rational and objectively directed violence, a shot in the head is more than sufficient to wipe some repressor from the map, and if it is only a small warning, one may fire a pair of bullets into the legs, trying to cause as little sensationalism as possible and pledging that the attack remains within the rationality that lies behind antagonist violence. Violence is not the problem, it is as natural as fear, it is our sense of immediate self-defense that the State/Capital/Church mediates through their control, religion and — in the case of the anarchist and social movements — their “pacifist” leakages have intended to wrest from the individual; the problem is not violence, the question concerns the focus and manner in which it is utilized — even daily — in the strategy.

For the spread of attacks against the police apparatus!!!

For the spread and propagation of attacks against the system of domination!!!

For the spread of solidarity with our comrade prisoners of war!!!

At war against the State/Capital and for Total Liberation,



* Apparently the explosive did not detonate and was removed for investigation. Source (in Spanish) – transl.

Nov 28, 2011 - Gabriella Segata Antolini Cell of CARI-PGG Claims Package Bomb to the Archbishop of Mexico.

Translated by War on Society. Culmine (republished by War On Society).

Why, or of what, is Norberto Ribera so afraid?

This is the question that we have asked ourselves recently on receiving the welcome news that the package had arrived at its destination. Unfortunately, one of the greatest tyrants of the Catholic church, one of the most brutal, repressive, dominant and sadistic, did not open the package, due to the fear of being struck in his own arena, in his reign, he preferred to expose his private secretary to any attack on the part of those who do not see in Norberto an image of respect but rather, as we would any leader of a terrorist State, we see him as a target for delivering a blow to the Catholic Church as an Institution. Effectively, the package contained a book, the title of which is not relevant, the explosive apparatus inside was composed of a galvanized metal pipe full of dynamite, 9V batteries, cables, and shrapnel — pieces of metal cut in pointed shape — and an ignition apparatus.

The Revolutionary Anarchist Cell – Gabriella Segata Antolini, member of CARI-PGG, claim the sending of the explosive package addressed to the Archbishop Norberto Ribera, which was carried out in a coordinated manner during the same weeks of November 1 to 15 of 2011.

What Cardinal Norberto represents, is in truth, a Capitalist State of mental and social control experimented in most brutally during the middle ages in the Inquisition, but also on the thousands of people who for being “different,” dressing differently, loving differently, thinking differently, fucking differently and maintaining their lives differently from what is imposed by the religious Morality in society, have been and continue to be murdered for an ideal and a moral system of life that represents one of the most concrete points of oppression and control: religion!

The act of attacking — or attempting to — one of the most powerful hierarchs of the Mexican Catholic State, represents the rejection of and the absolute rupture with the ideas created by Humankind for the control not only of the same Humankind, but of nature in its entirety. It represents a blow at a symbol that for past centuries has come to suppress the practice of absolute and unlimited freedom — in the case of the dictators, striking forcefully at the struggles of anarchist and revolutionary workers; condemn individual freedom, freedom of thought, freedom of choice; negate the individual and dissolve him/her into a mass of people that walks aimlessly, following an illusory hope blindly — and in many case honestly — which the Catholic Hierarchy uses to expand their capital and dominion.

The church pacifies the conflict or possible conflicts for change from the bottom and the wars of liberation, because it is complicit in the States, it fools and manipulates the individual, it perpetuates fear of evil and impedes making free use of one’s natural violence — self-defense — fooling one to resign oneself, bow one’s head and receive the blow on the other cheek. Their (truly) antiquated and badly toned opinions in political influences generate a brutal idea of morality and false ethics in society and their allied “governments” which throughout history have contributed to murder through discrimination, and in Mexico today have been the fundamental cause of many comrades being imprisoned under the crime of “parental murder” (abortion) in the lower region, they have also been the cause of the deaths and condemnation of many anarchist comrades.

We find on a blog — and many other places — that our attack is condemned. Strategic critique — if that’s what’s spoken — is acceptable, but ethically and morally there is no defense that can be used in favor of a Murderer for hire, of a protector of pederasts, dominator and leader of one of the most Powerful capitalist states, at least in regard to mental control.

The Catholic Institution and Norberto Rivera have neither defense nor Ethical argument in their favor, since our attack — being effectively completed — is not more brutal than the brutality and the terror hidden behind the Church-institution and their religious ideal. Surely Norberto Ribera, will try to (or totally be able to) fool his “faithful,” deflecting the intentionality of this and whatever future attack against the representatives of the Catholic Church, arguing that it is against his followers, when on the other hand he knows that it is against his Morality, his faith, and his Religious State.

1920 and 1936… return, not out of nostalgia, but because at least from the perspective of struggle against religious dominion nothing has changed and things cannot continue as they are, without a touch of vengeance. Prepare yourselves for what is coming…







June 14, 2012 - Claim of responsibility for sending 2 Explosive Packages to the Greek Embassy.

Translated by War on Society. Liberación Total (republished by 325.nostate).

From liberaciontotal, transl by waronsociety:

“The struggle against the government turns into, in the final count, the physical and material struggle… The government makes the law… It is thus necessary to prepare oneself morally and materially so that, upon the explosion of the violent revolt, the victory will be the people’s…”
- Errico Malatesta,
“Anarchist Program” (Bologna, July 1920)
in Umanità Nova, August 12, 1920

This physical and moral preparation is a latent necessity that should be present in the everyday of our lives and actions. When the anarchist has at an individual level decided to take a step from talk into daily action, this action acquires in her life a strong sense, a strong importance, a potency that gives way to continue forward and to not look back to yearn for the comfort of her cowardice and ignorance. When an individual or collective project is put on the table, the anarchist feels herself already in the humble necessity of giving everything for this struggle that she has begun, since for her it is not a fashion. Anarchy is life itself, and in her the revolutionary fetishism that sometimes manages to commodify revolt is put aside, it is not important to dress in black, green, blue or yellow, or at least these folklores–personal tastes–do not strongly relate with the strength of her struggle, she does not identify in and with them. It is not important to her to fetishize weapons and guerrilla strategies since she knows well that that this is only an inevitable consequence in the struggle against power; nor even is it important to her to fetishize violence. She matures in her positions and sets a target, putting aside small and daily submissions to power and focusing her thoughts on an irreducible war against the State/Capital. She prepares physically and psychologically. She questions in each moment this mundane existence and confronts it with his theories of freedom and conflict. Then the anarchist can already no longer turn back, not because anarchism is a set of guidelines embodied in the books that are untouchable like a bible, but rather because at the individual level and without anyone’s obligation, she has decided what is her commitment with a struggle that she believes clear. Then she is–at least individually–irreducible to power, carrying her struggle under her own premises and fighting this battle together with those who focus their action against the system of domination as a whole.

Finding ourselves accomplices of the actions under which the comrades of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and Revolutionary Struggle find themselves imprisoned in Greece, as well as with the other anarchist prisoners of that Mediterranean country, we claim responsibility for these two actions, one of which was reported and the other which at this time nothing is known about.

1.- Between April 20 and 25 of 2012 we sent an explosive package composed of a tube of galvanized metal filled with dynamite, shrapnel, cables, batteries, which was made to activate upon opening by means of a home-made electronic circuit. The package was found on May 1 and was addressed to the ambassador of Greece in Mexico. The journalist reports said that the package bore the return address of the ex-prosecutor of justice of Mexico City, Miguel Mancera; we confirm this information.

2.- In the first days of May of this year, we sent another explosive package of similar composition, likewise to the ambassador of Greece in Mexico. At this time nothing is known about the fate of this package.

“We are on principle against violence, and for this reason we want for the social struggle, while it exists, to humanize itself as much as possible. But in no way does this mean that the struggle has to be less energetic and less radical, it is rather that we believe that half-measures tend to indefinitely prolong the struggle, to make it sterile and to produce, in the end, a still greater quantity of that violence that we want to avoid. Nor does it mean that we limit the right to defense to the resistance against material and imminent aggression. For us the oppressed find themselves always in a state of legitimate defense and always have the clear right to rebel without having to wait until they are shot at, and we know very well that very often attack is the best form of defense. And here sentiments enter into question, and for me sentiments count more than any reasoning.”
- Errico Malatesta
October 28, 1923

Violent struggles, nonviolent struggles, deaths, violence, weapons, legalism, illegalism, civil, pacifist… these para-state — and “bourgeois” in its time — leakages into anarchism should already have been overcome and we should have focused our discourse on objective points about how to reach our ends. The attack perpetrated by the services of the Italian State against the girls’ school [which shortly followed the wounding of Adolfini by the Olga Cell of the FAI and was quickly and of course wrongly attributed to anarchists - transl.] that well-covered event that happened a month ago, is an act that we cannot approve of, not because we feel any kind of compassion–since the ethic of the State/Capital is not our own–but more so because that is not the focus that our INDIVIDUAL moral dictates to us. Primarily because–logically–we do not support actions that those in government, or the fascist or authoritarian groups carry out. Our violence is directed against the powerful, their institutions and their repressive bodies, against those in government, the fascist and authoritarian groups, because it is necessary and because it is the only way to touch power, to touch it even when the entire world is not rising up. Because we do not want to reform the world and the violent act is the one way of change outside of what the system is able to assimilate. Therefore we are totally in accordance with the action of the Olga Cell of the FAI in having shot in the legs that bastard of nuclear energy in Italy. What we do not like is simply fetishizing this kind of action. Anarchists are far from being urban guerrillas and armed groups, we are before everything groups of anarchist action, acting consistently with our thinking, because we see that although there may be a contradiction in itself, violence is necessary.

While the mass media who project themselves as more or less alternative, democratic, impartial, critical, etc. On one side they are glorifying this movement called “Yo Soy 123 / I am 123,” precisely because it is the kind of protest that the State/Capital and its present democratic system “likes,” because they are people who, backed up by their studies, criticize, propose, declare, do not break, do not cause trouble in reality, they are promulgated by legality and by acting within it — all this is the image they project; On the other side dubbed as “vandals, thieves and delinquents,” they burn government vehicles, obstruct the general means of communication, take trucks and erect barricades, who in some way disrupt that polarized crystal of the so-called “social peace.”

Also these same mouthpieces of the State like Pedro Ferriz of CON who praises and projects in 123 what it always wanted to be and to do, while the magisterial spokesperson of Oaxaca publicly points out how “this gentleman [Ferriz] is the subversive, the provocateur, the one who wants conflict,” etc.

What we need is more conflict and less reformers of reality. These kinds of democratic protest, coming from those who do not in reality want a radical change in all that word implies, such as the 123 and their demands only contribute to continuing constructing of that democratic mentality in the institutions of the State. The greatest trick is that social democracy, which with its thousand and one offers of help, which with the new police mentality, which with punishment to torture, which with illusory well-being, makes it ever more difficult that a “common” person identifies the enemy. It would be better to say “one part of the enemy” since the other part lives in our heads, and it is that mentality of new “man,” which thinks before acting against power, which rations before attacking the police in legitimate defense, which dialogues before entering into a conflict with the institutions of the State, it is that mentality which is sustaining the new democratic State. The citizenry sustain their own exploitation. The mentality of tolerance and mediation are and will always be beneficial for the State, since in these it sustains the basis of the democratized repression. The seeking of a solution to partial demands, because these identify partial problems, is simply a demand to power to regenerate its system, something which as anarchists we cannot argue for. We argue for the total destruction of the State/Capital, because only from this destruction does the unique creation emanate. We argue for individual and collective acts of attack on power, we argue for the conspiracy for insurrection.

For anarchists the struggle is and should be outside of the law. Our thinking, our editorials, our actions and our proposals, although many of them may be public, are and will be outside of the legal canons of power. Therefore we reject the nicknames of “illegalists or legalists.”

“Anarchists have no hypocrisy. Force must be rejected with force: today against the oppressions of today; tomorrow against the oppressions that would try to substitute themselves for today’s.”
- Errico Malatesta
“Pensiero e Volontà”
September 1, 1924

We are not going to give up, as long as a comrade is incarcerated we will express our revolutionary solidarity, violently attacking the Structures of power, and with that also those who physically sustain it.

We cannot be hypocrites calling the people toward their own slaughterhouse, giving the impression that a movement of civil masses will make the Government back down, those kinds of illusions are not the reality.
Force must be fought with force.

Solidarity with the comrades of CCF, Revolutionary Struggle and the other anarchist compas imprisoned in Greece!
Solidarity with the anarchist comrade Stella Antoniou!
Solidarity with Braulio Duran!
For the multiplication of cells of affinity!
Death to the State… Long live anarchy!

Cell of revolutionary action for the destruction of the State –
Autonomous Cells for immediate revolution /Praxedis G. Guerrero.

Tags: Autonomous Cells of the Immediate Revolution – Praxedis G. Guerrerro, Braulio Arturo Durán González, Cell of Revolutionary Action for the Destruction of the State – Autonomous Cells for Immediate Revolution – Praxedis G. Guerrero, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire : Imprisoned Members Cell, Embassy, Greece, International Solidarity, Letter Bomb, Mexico, Nucleo Olga FAI/FRI, Revolutionary Struggle, Stella Antoniou

This entry was posted on Saturday, June 16th, 2012 at 10:05 pm and is filed under Direct Action.

Dec 5, 2013 - Communique for Direct Actions in Solidarity with Mario González.

Translated by War on Society. contra-info (republished by War on Society).

To all the unmanageables in Mexico and the World!
To our companions in affinity!
To those who fight for freedom!

“It is the time when it happens again! Into the darkness! The darkness!
Because the night gives us the moment and it knows no mercy!”
–Luigi Galleani

Compañerxs, in the night of December 2nd, two cells participating in informal coordination set off explosive devices in the following structures of Capitalism and the State:

– In the cabin of a Mexico City riot police bus, located at Esperanza and Xochicalco streets, in the Narvarte neighborhood, right next to the Tutelar de Menores [a youth prison]. The bomb exploded, causing damages to the vehicle.

– In a Banamex bank branch located at Eje 10 Sur and Xocoyoacán, in the Pedregal de Santo Domingo neighborhood, causing damages to the infrastructure.

We claim these attacks on the structures of power in solidarity with the fight that compañero Mario Gonzales is waging against the destruction of his individuality in prison. The has compañero already spent 57 days on hunger strike as a form of pressuring for his release; his state of health has deteriorated and as he himself has mentioned, the authorities don’t care about him; moreover we believe that what he is experiencing is a lesson from the GDF [Mexico City Government] for those who again dare to protest using methods unacceptable to the law. We cannot sit around with our arms crossed in the face of this disgrace, nor can we let the fight that the compañero is waging in the system’s dungeons pass us by. We decided to act, in the way we know how, in the way we prefer, knowing and maintaining that any gesture of solidarity is always necessary to send strength and greater courage to our compañero Mario, and to any compañerx who is in a condition of flight or imprisonment.

These attacks are also our offensive response to the offensive that the government is waging against the anarchist specter: intimidation, house raids, harassment, people being followed, surveillance, beatings, torture, etc. And we firmly believe that the response be necessary and diverse, by day or by night, individually or collectively, with or without claim of responsibility, with or without a firm cell, by molotov, rocks, machetes, arms, propaganda or explosives; a fierce response against a beast that has affected us little by little and always a little more.

A special case: The Tenochtitlán Salvation Front

Compañerxs, for about a year now, an ultra-nationalist group called the Tenochtitlán Salvation Front (FST) has been usurping our actions, and this last explosion at the Banamex it appeared again. On June 26 of last year (2012), an explosive device went off, apparently by accident, on our compañero Mario López, who has repeatedly declared himself to be an individualist and alien to any claims of responsibility or action groups; further, he claimed his individual authorship of the unfinished action. This event took place in downtown Coyoacan; several kilometers from there, in an action not coordinated with his, various cells of CARI-PGG carried out attacks with explosives in Netzahualcóyotl City EDOMEX against a PAN [National Action Party] office; in Tlalnepantla Artefacto against the regional office of the PRI [Institutional Revolutionary Party] located next to the municipal presidency; and finally and most famously, a device in the Picacho Ajuzco CFE [Federal Electricity Commission], where we supposedly left a message stating the authorship of the fascist group Tenochtitlán Salvation Front. What came out of these events was that they wanted to press the federal charges for the CFE on our compañero Mario, and that they accused our compañera Felicity Ryder, presently a fugitive, for the CFE and for belonging to this fascist group called FST; which as we have read in Felicity’s communique, she is alien, against, and an enemy of the fascist sort of claims of the aztequitas of the FST. We use this space to state that we, the cells of the CARI-PGG informal coordination, at the time of the event for which Mario and Felicity are charged, had knowledge neither of the compas‘ existence, nor of the action they carried out.

Now then, we can think a thousand things about the FST, but there is much that brings us to suspect the worst, and in our investigation we have seen that this group apparently exists, what isn’t explained is how their texts got to the places where we carried out our actions. In the first place, this is the outline that the Excélsior paper ( had published using a supposed communique from the FST in which they state that the compañero Mario López did not belong to their shitty group. At this link you can download in PDF the supposed FST communiques:

The individuals who participate in CARI-PGG are against and even fight againt fascist groups and neo-nazis; we are also for the annihilation of the ultra-right people of PAN or the sinarquistas [National Synarchist Union], we are for the annihilation of neutral groups or individuals like the vasconcelistas, the WP, people like Roger Huesca Priego and his group Último Reducto, or the old NS of Salvador Borrego, who we sent an explosive package to last year, for which we did not make any claim of responsibility, not knowing what ended up happening with our little anti-fascist gift. We are against fascism and we joyfully salute the compas* who assassinated the neo-nazis of Golden Dawn in Greece (video: ).

All fascists are our enemies and deserve no mercy! Same for the FST!

Solidarity with the comrades imprisoned in Mexico and the World!

Solidarity with the comrade Mario González… We are together to the end!

For conflict!
For anarchy!

Informal coordination: Autonomous Cells for Immediate Revolution – Praxedis G. Guerrero

P.S. CARI-PGG are coordinated cells who began acting in 2008 without transmitting any claim of responsibility for our actions, and it wasn’t until 2009 that a claim appeared for an action against a Renault auto company near the airport, a claim that we have used to take responsibility for our sole authorship from that time until now. We do not have vanguardist ideas, nor much less militarist ones, we are groups of anarchist action and we base ourselves on informality; we have often questioned ourselves on the use of signatures, but we reached the conclusion that they are only necessary as part of a strategy and nothing more. We do not pretend to bring anybody to insurrection–insurrections are spontaneous and collective, we take up the conflict in the first person.


Letter from Mario Gonzales on his hunger strike

[[][* Note from Contra Info: We have not translated or spread the communique claiming the execution of two neo-nazi thugs on November 1, 2013 in the Neo Iraklio neighborhood of Athens, not only because it was exclusively sent to the mass mierda [mass media / mass shit – TN], but more than anything because of the discourse of the Combatant Popular Revolutionary Forces, the group that took responsibility for the action, which has strong references to Greek patriotism. Nevertheless, we think it is necessary to cite here two excerpts from their communique, so that everyone can reach their own conclusions:

To the official goody-goody Left assimilated by the system that has for years spoken of “provocateurs” and “dark anomalous centers”, and that never prevented or resisted even minimally the military dictatorship [1967-1974], we respond that the armed struggle and executions of fascists have been a long-time tactic of the popular and revolutionary movement, as the history of the EAM-ELAS [National Liberation Front – Greek Popular Liberation Army] and the National Resistance have demonstrated, where especially in Athens dozens of members of the X fascist organization and of the Security Battalions as well as members of Special Security who collaborated with the occupiers were executed by ELAS and OPLA [Organization for the Protection of Popular Combatants, the Stalinists’ special operations units]. Of course we should not forget Meligalas [reference to the battle of Meligalas, in the Peloponnese, after which the victorious forces of EAM-ELAS executed hundreds of supposed members of the Greek Gendarmerie and Security Battalions, then threw their bodies in mass into a dry well]. Our patriotic combatant ancestors knew how to exterminate the fascist traitors.


The guerrilla is the people’s war, it is the most honorable inheritance that History has left us to take part in. Resisters must surpass and avoid any opportunistic rhetoric that sustains defeatism and desertion. They must defend and appropriate from the violence that comes from below, from the class that rebels to abolish classes. They must defend the violence that attacks the contemporary Security Battalions. They must bring back the violence and the terrorism of the service class against the bosses who exploit them. They must get involved in the social revolution, defending their class position, the struggle for the liberation from the occupation governments and the colonizing protectorate. As a revolutionary proletariat who takes a combative position in the class offensive, we must radicalize each intermediate struggle that is arising, surpassing its reflexive release-valve characteristics. To self-organize ourselves in the resistance under the revolutionary perspective. With commando attacks on the symbols of capitalocracy, interweaving gradually and tensioning our attacks by means of a consistent guerrilla. Constructing the battlements and organizing the necessary arsenal, occupying the most important positions of power. In this war we must not be discouraged, nor subject ourselves to the repressive waiting and provocations of the enemy. The civil war started long ago in its invisible form, with periodic flashes that remind of its presence. The lines have been drawn, and each one of us must position himself. Either as a soldier on the side of Capital, the State and its fascists, or as a revolutionary in the struggle that is fought at the cost of life and liberty, the liberation from the slavery of multinational plutocracy and the local kodjabashis [kodjabashis is an administrative term of the Ottoman Empire, which refers to the responsibility of the local Christian governors in the Greek geographical space]. Their blood is the least response, and laocracy the only justice.

June, 2016 - Not a Lie or an Invention! Above all, Anarchist Action!

By Those who were the CARI-PGG

Original Spanish text June 2016:

English translation July 25 2016:

A few words, clarifications and positions from some compas who made up the CARI-PGG:

There was no end, there was not, nor has there been, a funeral. The conflict continued as the critique advanced. A fierce critique against the system of domination, but above all, a critique of ourselves. We reflected and new perspectives were born inside of us, but the attacks against power continued and remain in force…

We don’t direct these words to any journalist, be they state or alternative. Yes, those journalists who do nothing more than vilify the words of a revolutionary to pigeonhole them as “good causes or bad causes,” “just or unjust causes.” Nor do we direct these to the typical leftists, those who since the start of this war, that which we have waged along with many others, never stopped classifying us with absurd labels such as “terrorists, ultra-leftists, adventurers, police, over-dramatic, etc.”

These words and reflections are and will always be for the honest compas, for those not duped or hypnotized by striking visual propaganda; they are also for those who live in day-to-day conflict with authority, a conflict for the annihilation of all power and dogma, including this pantomime of people power. A pantomime that in our miserable and murky days has tempted into its web innumerable libertarian individuals and projects, making them believe that people power and anarchy are synonymous, when in reality they are antagonistic concepts and struggles.

These reflections and these words are directed to those who live the conflict in the first person, towards those who make anarchy much more than a written word and for other compas who, being aligned with the praxis of the destruction of the present, want to read them.

This is just a small part of the story, told by those who lived it…so that others don’t tell it to you their own way.

Who were the CARI-PGG?

Autonomous Cells of Immediate Revolution – Praxedis G. Guerrero, we were a group of anarchist individualities that together decided to move into action during the last months of 2008 with some unclaimed incendiary actions, such as Molotov attacks against banks and incendiary devices on police vehicles. It was not until September 8, 2009 that we attacked a Renault dealership a few blocks from the Benito Juárez International Airport in Mexico City with a homemade explosive device under the initials CARI-PGG. This action, through a short statement, was claimed as a response to the construction of a huge new police station and prison by the capital’s government, at the time with PRD member Marcelo Ebrard as mayor. But this action was also a continuation of that which came before, but as part of a new period of local anarchist action. When we say “new” we are not referring to a “new anarchy,” we simply refer to the emergence of a new phase in the continuing struggle that compañerxs before us put into practice.

During the weeks of September 1–21, 2009, various anarchist, eco-anarchist and animal liberation groups stormed onto the local scene using homemade explosive devices made with dynamite and butane gas cans to attack structures of domination. Although it should be noted that some of these groups had been carrying out attacks before, but without claiming them, either anonymously or with a small unsigned statement – with the exception of the ALF and ELF who always claimed their actions. From September 1 until now, the bombings, arsons, machine-gunning police and expropriations under the symbol of anarchy have inundated virtually every state in the country, from that time on the attacks against power have not stopped and will not stop, in spite of many wanting them to.

In December 2009, following several convergences with other compas, some compañerxs from the Subversive Front for Global Liberation (who for over six months claimed various actions, among them Molotov attacks on banks, attacks on Telmex payphones, and the butane and dynamite bombing on September 1 of that year which would have a clear impact on the actions of various groups) decided “to become part of” CARI-PGG, acting as a coordinated cell. So it was that the actions of CARI-PGG spread, and on December 31, 2009, the nucleus of CARI-PGG detonated two explosive devices at banks in Metepec, Mexico State, which were totally destroyed, and another in a slaughterhouse in Nicolás Romero, Mexico State; this was part of a nationally coordinated action by anarchist cells and the ALF-ELF in Mexico City, Mexico State and San Luis Potosí. In total, on the night of December 31, nine attacks were carried out, the majority of them using explosive devices; this coordinated attack was claimed using another name and without a doubt was a stroke of anarchist propaganda that the Mexican state took as a total threat.

CARI-PGG was born in the midst of a climate of extreme tension due to various social conflicts that had arisen in the years before, such as Oaxaca, Atenco, and the constant unrest during the May 1 and October 2 marches. But it also helped ensure that conflict did not stay at the margins of these revolts and social conflicts, but spread and expanded to become a nuisance to the very system.

We weren’t the first and we weren’t the only ones. And we knew well, just as we know now, that our “little bombs” at the banks would not turn the state upside down from one day to the next, as was mockingly said by our detractors, that is to say, the reformed ones, the ones who opposed an insurrection that they in their crazy youth had “fought for.” Above all, we were individuals doing what we believed was necessary to do, using the means we considered appropriate in the moment (usually bombs and explosive devices). Today, as individuals, we continue believing in the necessity to attack and destroy power, this idea lives in our hearts, without negotiation or agreement with power, although under other organizational and ethical nuances that we consider necessary to advance the insurrection for anarchy.

The name we chose for ourselves always defined our conception of anarchist action: anarchy is here and now. That is why we appealed for immediate revolution, today, not tomorrow nor in the past nor when the conditions are right; and if we’re speaking of conditions, they must be pushed for and not waited on. But immediate for us also means individual, informal and autonomous attack, as for us insurrection is a collective movement of individual realization. That’s what the initials meant, though now and for some time we’ve been reconsidering the meaning we’ve given to our informality. Regarding the name Praxedis G. Guerrero, we only want to say that the intention was to claim a local anarchist, one like any other, who understood anarchy in its completeness, not as fractions divided between theorizing now and acting later. Our intention was also to unearth the history of an anarchist – whose story, like many others, has been buried along the path of insurrection – who understood the importance of collective as well as individual action, and who noted that collectives are not made up of amorphous masses but are (or at least should be) made of active individuals aware of their own individuality.

Praxedis G. Guerrero, like us, did not blindly believe in the masses, as he also understood the complicity they maintain with their masters and jailers, and without fear of contradiction we could say that in his time he advanced his own critique of voluntary servitude, which is the complicity of the people with their masters in all their actions. Praxedis refused to join the intellectual part of the revolution, even as other anarchists recommended he do so, alluding to his intellectual capacity in the recognizing the absurd divisions of labor. Instead, he preferred to go into combat against the enemy, which he died for on the battlefield on December 31, 1911, in Janos, Chihuahua. Today, we have left behind turning compañerxs into icons, as well as initials and acronyms, now we only identify ourselves as individuals in constant conflict with authority and power.

We could list all the times we attacked power and make a booklet about the group we were, there is enough material, stories, critiques and experiences from each of us. However, we are not interested in turning ourselves into a myth, as that would mean stepping into the pages of history as one more group of adventurers and would annihilate the essence of our attacks. At the same time, that would leave on the sidelines the other compas who acted at the same time we did. This propaganda doesn’t interest us. What interested and interests us is the subversion of imposed social roles and the spread of attacks against power, focused on nothing less than its destruction.

As CARI-PGG, our final attacks (taking sabotage and direct action as the definition of attack on this occasion, as we understand attack as a range of interventions that are not centralized around one or two methods) were in the November 2013 in Toluca, Mexico City and Nezahualcóyotl. Actions claimed in a short statement in solidarity with Mario González’s hunger strike. There’s nothing more to say except that at that time we were already entering into a critique of ourselves, as individuals and as an “organization.” Critiques that we put to the side for years, precisely because we spent most of that time highly immersed in the necessities of maintaining a stable – and to a certain degree formal – group of anarchist action, something that without a doubt we do NOT regret, even as we reflect upon it now.

Some necessary clarifications

Much has been said about CARI-PGG, as there were plenty of people who had a strong sympathies for the group (sympathies we never wanted…we wanted the attack to spread!), there were also many fierce detractors who, without knowing anything about us, accused us (and continue to) of the most wretched things, for example, of “being those who are doing the work for the EPR, the ERPI, the TDR-EP and other Marxist-Leninist guerrillas”…What a bullshit accusation!

CARI-PGG was born as an anarchist concept and it maintained that. An anarchist concept linked to insurrection and critical of every kind of power and authority, but it was also born as an organizational concept antagonistic to all hierarchical armed structures; we rejected those at the time and we continue to reject them and criticize them with even greater strength, arguments and determination.

We believe the wretched accusation that we were (or are) part of the EPR, TDR-EP or ERPI was born above all out of the envy and competitiveness of some poor fools, or of those “who have nothing better to do with their lives than talk shit.” But as this accusation was not just directed at CARI-PGG, but also, to a lesser extent, at compañerxs from the Mariano Sánchez Añon Insurrectional Cell, the compañerxs of Anonymous Anarchist Action in Tijuana and even against local CCF’s…in short, against all those who put their efforts into putting anarchy into practice, that is, against those who unswervingly attack power; we believe that these accusations have a more ambitious tint than just envy or competitiveness. For us, this kind of popular gossip has its roots in a clear theorem, that which is opposed to propaganda; that is based in the logic that “as anarchists WHO KNOW WHO THEY ARE they reject us, so we also reject them,” “that they all think that others are subordinate to them or others,” so that “you don’t follow their path,” “so as not to spread attacks against power,” “so that their individualist idea of insurrection doesn’t spread”…shit that is only born of a mind that believes in competitiveness, in the quantitative and in struggle through imitation, manipulation or fanaticism.

With things being as they are, and although we clearly know that many know exactly what we’re talking about, this is something we will NEVER talk about publicly precisely to avoid falling into BETRAYAL. What we do have to say regarding this is that CARI-PGG was never under the orders of any group or red guerrillas, be they called the EPR, TDR-EP, FARP, EZLN, or ERPI. It’s not without reason that we put AUTONOMOUS in our initials at the time. We never received money or weapons from any of these guerrillas, what we had we acquired through the modest support of each individual belonging to the CARI-PGG, the fruit of our exploited labor, and also from some monetary expropriations as well as the recovery of weapons from cops. As such, we never gave time or space to criticize or verbally attack these groups, nor did we have any interest in those organizations.

So stop already, if nothing else for your own dignity!

An informal platform? What nonsense!

Among the concepts that animated CARI-PGG was that of insurrection, of informality, of attack and daily conflict. Theses that at the time we conceived of under very specific ideas, born above all from the needs of our group. Although there were failures, errors or perspectives that took things in another direction – such as, for example, the initials and statements that ended up taking on their own identity, when at the beginning we decided to use them only out of necessity, so that our acts for freedom were not confused with the actions of drug traffickers or communist guerillas focused on their quest for power – we never fell into the extreme stupidity or deviation of wanting to form an “informal platform.” An informal platform? The greatest contradiction of all among the daily contradictions that we anarchists experience – above all those who spend time on “political correctness.” Platformism and informality are antagonistic concepts, just as is “commando and informal.”

The idea and practice of anarchist informality as we conceived of it today precisely cuts through the organizational idea of platformism, due to the simple fact that informality doesn’t recognize any structure around which to act, to organize the struggle, or to even live our lives. Platformism is a way of acting in a subordinate way to parameters established by a group or groups, and only by acting according to those parameters can one advance the struggle, to do otherwise would be chaos and disorganization: this is something that we don’t agree with. Informality is a way of acting and organizing based on free agreement of the responsibility and autonomy of the individual, not on delegation; informality destroys the hierarchical or delegational frameworks that give life to a platform. Informality destroys all dogma, all organizational identity that denies the individual; and it also settles the accounts with commandos, as with informality there doesn’t exist “commanders or commanded” or rather, those who comprise “commandos.”

Using these arguments at the time, without making it public, we rejected the invitation to spread the conflict that the “Black Guerrillas” sent to us and to the compañerxs of Sánchez Añon. Along with not being a group anymore, it was above all because we criticize the idea that guerilla-style organizations have anything in common with anarchist thought, ethics and practice, above all those who believe in informal organization. But also because, although we’ve always been for widespread insurrection, we’ll pass on the populist insurrectionary mob language contained in some of the published statements; it’s one thing to be for widespread and popular insurrection, but hard and pure populism is another thing, though it may be well camouflaged, comfortable, digestible and nice looking.

We must be authentic and creative, to seek our own path, envision our own horizons, create our own projects and ways of struggle and to stop imitating the red guerrillas, to stop trying to put ourselves on “their level” and to stop arousing fanaticism with their image or fetishizing weapons, critique and leave aside the vainglorious spectacular armed attacks put forward as the best or easiest way to attack. We say now as we said before: for us, there is no difference between ambushing a Federal Police unit, burning cars with a rudimentary explosive device or a Molotov at an ATM; what really matters is the perspective beneath the focus of the attack, the qualitative impact caused, what really matters are the why’s, the what’s, and to what end.

Informality is and always will be our proposal. Meanwhile an “informal platform” is nothing less than an aberrant deviation of the term and practice of informality.

The conflict continues and should continue in spite of the consequences

Contrary to what some angry snitches say about being the ones who “started or formed” CARI-PGG and gave rise to…oops, so sorry!, “recruited” those who “comprised this project” (compas that nobody knows who they are, or who we are, or rather, that this gossip is nothing more than assumptions [snitching] and inventions of inveterate exaggerators…but unfortunately their myths can impact compas who had nothing to do with this project), and who say that CARI-PGG withdrew from conflict or we became inactive, we state that it is neither the one or the other.

The struggle that burst forth from many, so many compas, in one way or another has paid off. The fierce daily defense of attack can be seen reflected as much in theory as in actions. Without a doubt an important part of pushing that forward has been the actions of compas in recent years, thought street revolts in the light of day – something that has also always been part of CARI-PGG’s proposal, as we never conceived of attack as something that happens only in the darkness of night, but something that is put into practice at all times and in all places. This, along with the “conditions” of a society that has been fed up since 2006 until today. That is to say that our actions, like that of many compas – as we weren’t nor are the only ones – was just a part (though a big contribution) for the intensification of the social war, so that it could reach this point, and this was only achieved through determination and conviction. It was a contribution for anarchist compas to understand that to take this step into the unknown is not as difficult and complicated as some (though not all) of the guerrilla organizations portray it to be, precisely because of their professionalism; nor is it as impossible as the state’s propaganda makes it out to be. And so it was, not just by our hands, but by all of those who, when we proposed the attack, spread it in that moment, beginning among compañerxs conscious of their anarchist beliefs…although our particular goal was always that the attack would be put into practice on the social level, outside of anarchist circles.

We wish to encourage all those individuals desiring freedom to go on the attack. The conflict and struggle of almost all (unfortunately not all) of those of us who at one moment made up CARI-PGG has continued all this time, and will continue at least until we are dead. But even when dead, just as we are the continuation of the struggle of compañerxs who for two centuries put into practice an energetic anarchist struggle, without dialogue or negotiation, tomorrow other compañerxs will continue this struggle, because the struggle is not against a president, a general or a law. The struggle is not even just against the state and capital, but, leaving out all of Marxism’s economist analysis, the struggle above all is against the system of domination as a whole and against all forms of power and authority, the same relations that appear in every aspect of this life and in every place in this world, including where supposedly “there is no capitalism” or “the peasant and indigenous communities that are almost puritan” and other idealized places. Power and authority are present in our lives, in our persons, in our ways of relating, in our daily lives, and that is the real battlefield where social war is waged. To subvert and destroy the existing for an authentic and absolute freedom.

Finally we want to send greetings and warm hugs to the dear compañero Gabriel Pombo da Silva who recently left prison, and as we were able to understand from his public letter, is determined not to negotiate with power and to go underground, that being where things are headed. We want to show all our solidarity for this path, all our support and care. As well as for all the compas on the run or who are in prison, in Mexico and the entire world.

As that music group that all the compas in Mexico like so much says: This is a struggle without end…

Having said that, there is nothing more to say.

For anarchy! Social war and insurrection!

Those who were the CARI-PGG
Federal District, Mexico, June 2016

[1] 50 células anarquistas en guerra contra el capitalismo y el Estado Ed. 510 “Contralínea'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[2] "La amenaza anarquista “El Financiero'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[3] "Historia con Aerosol “Letras Libres'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[4] Alarma por los anarquistas mexicanos ''Europa Focus''. Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[5] "Los Grupos Anarquistas que operan en la CDMX, paraiso anarco “La Silla Rota'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 6, 2020.

[6] "El fuego y la estopa. El anarquismo insurreccional en México “Nexos'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 6, 2020.

[7] El Idioma de la Furia “Al Día-Periodismo de libre expresión'' (in Spanish). Retrieved August 3, 2020.

[8] "Explosión en sucursal bancaria “El Universal'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[8] "Explosión en sucursal bancaria “El Universal'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[9] "Explosión en banco de Tlalpan “Plano Informativo'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[10] "Investiga PGJDF a una mujer y 2 hombres por explosión “El Siglo de Torreón'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[11] "Explota artefacto en agencia automotriz de Venustiano Carranza “El Universal'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[12] "Supuesto grupo rebelde se atribuye ataque contra agencia automotriz “La Jornada'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[13] "PGJDF indaga a detenido por explosión de artefactos en el sur “Excelsior'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[14] Detonan explosivos en sucursal bancaria del DF “Proceso'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[15] Comunicado de CARI-PGG reivindicando el ataque explosivo contra banco Santander en México D.F., mayo de 2010 “Guerra Social en México'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[16] Reivindicación de ataque contra camiones de circo en México D.F. abril 2010 “Guerra Social en México'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[17] México – Las Células Autónomas de Revolución Inmediata – Praxedis G. Guerrero queman dos patrullas “'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[18] CARI_PGG reivindico el taque incendiario contra 2 patrullas en Chimalhuacan, Estado de México, 5 octubre 2010 “Guerra Social en México'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[19] "Grupo anarquista se adjudica petardazos en el DF “Revista Proceso''. Retrieved December 8, 2020.

[20] "Explotan 2 sucursales bancarias en DF “El Economista'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 6, 2020.

[21] "GRUPO ANARQUISTA SE ADJUDICA ATAQUE A BANCOS “Hombres del Poder'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 6, 2020.

[22] Estallan artefactos explosivos en bancos del DF “Animal Politico'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 6, 2020.

[23] "Atacan sucursal de la CFE en Iztacalco “Proceso'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[24] "Reivindicación de ataque a la Comisión Federal de Electricidad (CFE) en DF, México “La Haine-Liberación Total'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[25] "Reivindicación del ataque explosivo contra una patrulla de la policía estatal ASE en México “La Haine-Liberación Total'' (in Spanish). Retrieved December 8, 2020.

[26] "Atribuyen a grupos anarquistas explosión en cajero de Santander “Revista Proceso''. Retrieved December 8, 2020.

[27] "Estalla un artefacto en un banco en Tlalpan “Excelsior''. Retrieved December 8, 2020.

[28] "Explota artefacto en cajeros en Tlalpan “La Silla Rota'' (in Spanish). Retrieved December 8, 2020.

[29] "Comunicado de los ataques explosivos a un Banco Santander y a la casa de político del PRI, México “La Haine-Liberación Total'' (in Spanish). Retrieved December 8, 2020.

[30] "Oculta México atentado fallido contra embajador de Chile “Dossier Politico'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 27, 2020.

[31] "Paquete bomba dirigido al procurador del DF llega a la PGR “Proceso'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[32] "Reivindicacion del paquete explosivo dirigido a las oficinas generales de la Procuraduria General de la Republica, México “La Haine-Liberación Total'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[33] "Rivera: Sembraremos paz ante bomba enviada al Arzobispado “Excelsior'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[34] Se adjudican anarquistas atentado al Cardenal Rivera “MVS Noticias'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 9, 2020.

[35] "Reivindicación del paquete contra arzobispo Norberto Ribera, México “La Haine-Liberación Total'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[36] "Norberto Rivera ya había recibido un paquete con explosivos “Marca'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[37] Se registra explosión en el Instituto Italiano de Cultura “MVS Noticias'' (in Spanish). Retrieved August 3, 2020.

[38] "Atacan el Instituto Italiano de Cultura “Excelsior'' (in Spanish). Retrieved August 3, 2020.

[39] "Explosión daña puerta de Instituto Italiano de Cultura “El Universal'' (in Spanish). Retrieved August 3, 2020.

[40] "PGJDF investiga explosión en Coyoacán “El Economista'' (in Spanish). Retrieved August 3, 2020.

[41] "Hallan artefacto explosivo en sucursal bancaria de la colonia Obrera “Excelsior'' (in Spanish). Retrieved April 5, 2020.

[42] Anarquistas se adjudican ataques a bancos por 'compañero' detenido ''Aristegui Noticias'' (in Spanish). Retrieved August 3, 2020.

[43] México: Unas cuantas palabras, aclaraciones y posicionamientos de parte de algunxs compas que conformamos las CARI-PGG “Contrainfo'' (in Spanish). Retrieved August 3, 2020.